In almost all cases, individuals who score highest on measures of agreeableness (i.e. the nice people) are the ones who rise to positions of power and respect
Lacetera and Macis (2008) found that economic considerations do affect blood donation decisions, for donors donate on days that maximize their material returns in terms of consecutive days off work
The cross-sectional variation in job market status and type of employers, and job switching over time by a subset of donors, are the sources of variation we employ to study whether donors are responsive to the paid-day-off incentive in the choice of their donation days, and in the frequency of their donations
Our results indicate that economic considerations do affect blood donation decisions, for donors donate in days of the week that, given the day-off benefit, maximize their material returns in terms of consecutive days off work
We also find evidence, however, consistent with heterogeneous motivations in different donors, since a subset of donors systematically do not take advantage of the material reward
We discuss the implications of our findings for policies aimed at increasing the supply of blood, and more generally for incentivizing pro-social behaviour
In a study of more than 1,000 people, Phillips et al. (2008) discovered that women place significantly greater importance on altruistic traits than anything else
Participants were questioned about a range of qualities they look for in a mate, including examples of altruistic behaviour such as 'donates blood regularly' and 'volunteered to help out in a local hospital'. Women placed significantly greater importance on altruistic traits in potential mates
Young children are motivated by material rewards for prosocial behaviour, older children by social approval, and adolescents by intrinsic motivation for helping
Perceived causes are analysed in terms of attribution of responsibility. These attributions create an emotional experience which motivates action (or not)
We help others because of expectations based on social learning. We help because of a social responsibility norm or because of perceptions of reciprocity and social justice
Batson believed that 'pure' altruism exists, where people help because they empathize with the sufferer. If no empathy, then helping is because of egoistic reasons
When did people agree to help Carol (who was in car accident) with work missed in class? If they did not 'see Carol in class', they could easily avoid helping, whereas if they did see her, it was more difficult to avoid helping
In the high-hurry group, participants were told that they were already late for their presentation; the medium-hurry group were informed that they were on time for their presentation; and the low-hurry group told that they were early but might as well go across now anyway
The expected diffusion of responsibility effect did not occur. Why was this? In the laboratory studies, participants could hear but not see the 'victim', whereas in this study, participants could both see and hear the 'victim'