A group of people who see themselves as a distinct group based for example on religion, geography or language
In the case of Britain, the largest minority groups are non-white: mainly of African, Caribbean or South Asian origin
Black and Pakistani pupils do worst; Chinese and Indians do best
White pupils are very close to the national average, but this is because they form the great majority of the school population
Factors affecting ethnic differences in achievement
Internal factors within schools and the education system, e.g. pupil-teacher interaction and educational policies
External factors outside the education system, e.g. home and family background
Main external factors affecting ethnic differences in achievement
Cultural deprivation
Material deprivation and class
Racism in wider society
Ethnicity
A shared culture, identity and history. An ethnic group is a group of people who see themselves as a distinct group based for example on religion, geography or language.
An ethnic minority group may be of a different skin colour from the majority population, but not necessarily so. However, in the case of Britain, the largest minority groups are non-white: mainly of African, Caribbean or South Asian origin.
Deciding who is in which ethnic group is a problem. Should all 'Asians' be classified together when this covers many different nationalities, religions and languages?
Patterns of ethnic achievement
Black and Pakistani pupils do worst
Chinese and Indians do best
White pupils are very close to the national average
Factors affecting ethnic differences in achievement
Internal factors within schools and the education system
External factors outside the education system
Cultural deprivation theory
The under-achievement of some ethnic groups is caused by inadequate socialisation in the home, including intellectual and language skills, and attitudes, values and family structure.
Labelling
Interactionists focus on the impact of the labels that teachers give to children from different ethnic backgrounds, e.g. black pupils are often seen as disruptive and Asian pupils as passive.
As a result of these negative racist labels, teachers may treat ethnic minority pupils differently, disadvantaging them and bringing about a self-fulfilling prophecy that leads to their under-achievement.
Labelling of black pupils
Gillborn and Mirza (2000) found that in one area, black children were the highest achievers on entering primary school, yet by the time it came to GCSE, they had fallen to 21 points below the average. This suggests schooling, not background, is to blame.
Gillborn and Youdell found teachers had 'racialised expectations' (labels) about black pupils and expected more discipline problems and saw their behaviour as threatening. Black pupils were more likely than others to be punished for the same behaviour. The pupils felt that their teachers underestimated their ability and picked on them.
Labelling of Asian pupils
Wright (1992) found that Asian primary school pupils were stereotyped by their teachers and treated differently: Teachers assumed the children would have a poor grasp of English and so they used simplistic language when speaking to them, they mispronounced children's names, and they saw them as a problem that they could ignore.
Connolly (1998) found that primary school teachers saw Asian pupils as passive and conformist, and both teachers and pupils saw Asian boys as more 'feminine', vulnerable and less able to protect themselves.
Pupil subcultures
Pupils may react in a variety of different ways to racist labelling in school, including forming or joining pupil subcultures. Sewell (1998) found that black boys adopted a range of responses, including conformists, innovators, retreatists, and rebels.
Despite only a small minority of black boys actually fitting the stereotype of the black macho lad, teachers tended to see them all in this way. This resulted in the under-achievement of many boys, not just the rebels, as a result of discrimination by teachers.
Sewell argues that factors external to school, such as peer groups, street culture and the lack of a nurturing father, are more important in producing underachievement than internal factors.
Rejecting negative labels
Fuller (1984) studied a group of high-achieving black girls in year 11 of a London comprehensive. The girls maintained a positive self-image by rejecting teachers' stereotypes of them. They recognised the value of education and were determined to achieve, but only conformed in terms of doing their schoolwork, working hard without giving the appearance of doing so.
Mac an Ghaill's (1992) study of black and Asian 'A level students at a sixth form college found that they did not necessarily accept teachers' negative labels.
Mirza (1992) found that black girls' strategies for dealing with teachers' racism, e.g. not asking certain staff for help, sometimes restricted their opportunities. Even though they did not accept the labels, they were still disadvantaged as a result.
Institutional racism
Discrimination against ethnic minorities that is built into the way institutions such as schools and colleges operate on a routine or even unconscious basis, rather than the conscious intentions of individual teachers.
Cultural capital refers to the knowledge, skills, attitudes, values, and behaviors that are valued by society and contribute to social mobility.
Ethnicity can affect achievement through cultural factors such as language barriers, parental involvement, and educational expectations.
The concept of cultural capital has been criticized for being too deterministic and ignoring agency and resistance among individuals from lower socioeconomic backgrounds.
Bourdieu argued that cultural capital was unequally distributed across different classes and ethnic groups, leading to educational inequality.
Parental involvement plays a crucial role in children's academic success, particularly among minority communities where parents may have lower levels of education themselves.
Minority families often face additional challenges related to poverty, immigration status, and cultural differences, which can impact their ability to support their children's learning.
Bourdieu argues that cultural capital is more important than economic capital in determining success in education and other areas of life.
Social class affects academic performance due to differences in home learning environments, access to resources, and aspirations.
Cultural capital can be converted into economic capital through employment and income.
Cultural capital includes both objective aspects like qualifications and subjective aspects like taste and lifestyle choices.
Children from working-class families may have less exposure to books and fewer opportunities to develop literacy skills compared to those from middle-class families.
Working-class children may also face more distractions at home, making it harder for them to focus on schoolwork.
Language barriers can hinder academic performance due to difficulties understanding instructions and participating in classroom discussions.
Language barriers can also impact educational outcomes, with students who speak English as an additional language (EAL) often experiencing difficulties in understanding classroom instructions and participating fully in lessons.
Stereotype threat occurs when members of underrepresented groups feel pressure to conform to negative stereotypes about their abilities, which can negatively impact performance.
Research suggests that parental involvement is positively associated with higher academic outcomes for students, regardless of race or ethnicity.
Some researchers argue that focusing solely on parental involvement ignores other important factors like teacher quality, school resources, and systemic issues like segregation and funding disparities.
However, there are also examples of successful schools and programs that serve low-income and minority populations without relying heavily on parental involvement.