UN Resolution 418 with mandatory arms embargo post-Soweto was enacted in 1987.
In 1987, Chase Manhattan refused to renew a short-term maturing loan of $10m to SA.
The ANC and PAC did not radicalise after 1960 due to the influence of Black Consciousness and the Soweto uprising.
Israel, who found a way around sanctions where needed, continued trading with SA post-Soweto.
The National Party was victorious in 1948 due to a combination of factors including white fear, the influence of the Broederbond, and the support of the Afrikaner population.
Economic sanctions resulted in a 10% reduction in economic growth and the loss of potential 50,000 jobs.
Connie Mulder, Minister of Information, was allocated a R64 million slush fund for 'propaganda projects'.
In 1972, the World Council of Churches sold its holdings in companies that had SA interests under AAM pressure.
In 1980, the UN passed a cultural and academic boycott of SA.
The National Party was divided into Verligte (Liberals) and Verkrampte (Conservatives).
In 1978, Botha and Mulder competed to replace Vorster as Prime Minister.
The fuel crisis in SA in the 1970s slowed down manufacturing, leading to the creation of SASOL to extract oil from coal.
The 1973 strike showed the true TU in SA as 150 factories supported it.
The Progressive Federal Party was formed in 1977, won 26 seats in 1981, and Slabbert was the leader.
The British AAM organised sporting and arts boycotts by unions and guilds, resulting in SA being quite isolated by the 1970s.
The Federation of SA TU or FOSATU was formed in 1979.
The United Party, formed in 1934, was ineffective opposition to the NP as it mainly supported apartheid by the 1970s.
The 1981 SA/NZ rugby tour was the first after the expulsion.
Verligte PrimeMinister Vorster rejected a report that recommended more colored integration, siding with the verkramptes over the verligte press like Die Burger.
The percentage of whites as a total of the population dropped from 20% to 13% between 1960 and 1991.
Economic boycotts were not supported by many in the UK in the 1970s as investment could help the black worker alongside good working practices, and it was thought that economic growth would expose weaknesses of apartheid.
The Gleneagles Agreement, signed by Commonwealth countries in 1977, discouraged sports teams from working with SA.
The 1979 strike showed the ability of TU to bridge racial divides as those of Italian decent struck, bringing together colored women and African migrant workers.
SA was expelled from test cricket in 1970 due to the UK Stop the Seventy Tour disruption.
The Progressive Party was formed in 1959 and had 11 NP MPs down to 1 in 1961.
In the late 1970s, whites attempted to mobilise SACTU.
The increases in homeland spending were not often felt by Africans due to waste, such as 10 homeland capitals, and an unnecessary international airport in Ciskei.
Strikes were threatening to the NP as black workers made up the largest part of the key industries that fuelled the SA economy, gold and uranium.
In 1970, UK Prime Minister Heath removed the UK from the UN arms embargo of SA, then pursued a policy of 'constructive engagement'.
The homeland budget increased by 4 times in the 1970s.
Jimmy Kruger, the Minister of Justice, blamed demonstrators and banned 18 organisations after the Soweto uprising.
SA kept a strong military despite the arms embargo by having a massive defense budget and by 1982, 80% of weapons made in SA.
The leader of KwaZulu, Buthelezi, was rejected by black consciousness so by the end of the 70s he became very nationalistic ethnically.
Black Consciousness worked with non-whites, seeing all as unified, and was tolerated as seemed like separate development until 1975.
SA tried to win over support from other African nations by making loans available to Lesotho and Swaziland, military pressure on Angola, Zimbabwe, and working with even with black rule.
In 1970 to 1975, there was an increase in high school enrollment of 150%.
Tambo, the ANC leadership, tried to make SA ungovernable by meeting US multinational companies in early 1980s to persuade international opinion that ANC was not communist.
SA had power in Africa, with Zambia seeing 95% of its income, in copper exports, needing SA ports and railways, and in 1969 SA pressured Tanzania to kick out ANC.
The leadership of Soweto was lacking, with no clear leadership, such as ANC or military presence, but some links such as Joe Gqabi of SASM.
The ANC leadership did a Vietnam trip in 1978, understanding guerrilla tactics in cities rather than violence in rural areas, but also the importance of being seen internationally as a government in exile from SA, a real opposition.