Cards (31)

    • Long pressed for changes for long
    • Spread of education, industrialisation, more ppl favouring a representative government and rule of law supported them
    • It was strong in the zemstva and they were particularly credible for taking action during the famine of 1891-92
    • In 1895 the Tver Zmestva petitioned Nicholas II to set up an advisory body to which the tsar rejected it and called it a 'senseless dream' but this did not deter them. 

    How did Liberals call for change
  • Wealthy landowner and liberal Kadet leader who served in the first duma and became leader of the Russian Union of Zemstva in 1914. He continued to demand an all-class zemstva at district level and a National Assemebly.
    Prince Lvov
    • Established by radical liberals who were encouraged by the banning of the 'All-Zemstva Organisation' in 1896
    • Met in secret to discuss matters of liberal interest such as liberal reform and universal education
    • When in 1900, when a large number of liberal officials were dismissed from the zemstva, they assumed leadership of the liberal movement attracting more people like teaching professionals, public figures and town leaders
    Beseda Symposium 1899
  • Founded under Pyotr Struve who defected form the Marxists movement, opposing its commitment to a violent revolution. He wanted a constitutional system to be brought so that people could campaign legally. He published a book called Liberation which was published in Germany in which he wrote about that Russia needed a period of 'peaceful evolution; to adapt to its new industrialised status. 

    Union of Liberation 1903
    • Held a meeting in which reps of the zemstva and other prof societies were invited.
    • They declared that they wanted to establish a constitutional government and arranged a series of 50 society banquets which was attended by members of the liberal elites.
    1904 and the Liberation Union
    • Before 1905, virtually none
    • They did however escape the attention of the police who were too busy trying to deal with the more radical opposition groups
    • In theory their aim was achieved as they did end up getting the State Duma.
    How far political influence did these liberal groups have
  • Pyotr Karpovich was a student rebel who had twice been expelled from Kazan University. His revenge killing won support from fellow students and as Bogolepov lay dying, several thousand people gathered in front of Kazan Cathedral in Karpovich's support. Although broken up by the police, with 60 injured and around 800 arrests, it provoked demonstrations in Moscow and an attempt on Pobedonostsev's life a month later by another student.
    On that occasion, the attempt failed.
    The murder of Bogolepov, 1901
  • a rallying point for those who wished to appeal to the peasantry through a commitment to land socialisation and decentralised government. it was a fairly loose organisation comprising groups with a wide variety of views. Although the party never held a congress until 1906, its members broadly accepted Marxist teaching but combined this with populist ideas, thus favouring a specifically 'Russian' revolutionary programme.

    Beginning of SR movement in 1901
  • Put forward the view that the interests of peasants and workers - the so-called labouring poor' - were identical, and that they should therefore work together to destroy autocracy and bring about land redistribution. This emphasis on the peasantry and the concept of land socialisation rather than
    'land nationalisation' set them apart from the pure Marxists. Not surprisingly, they developed a wide national base, with a large peasant membership, but despite this, 50 per cent of their supporters were from the urban working class.
    SR’s and the working class
  • Yevno Azef (1869-1918) was a double agent working for the SRs and the Secret Police. He became involved in Marxism and was forced to live in exile in Germany, where he was recruited as an informer by the Okhrana.
    In 1899 he returned to Russia and became a member of the Social Revolutionary Party. He organised the arrest of the previous leader of its
    'combat organisation and took the position himself, using his influence to betray comrades and mastermind the murder of Plehve. He was exposed as a tsarist spy in 1908 and fled to Germany where he died in 1918.
    Yevno Azef
  • were similar to the earlier populist organisation. They tried to stir up discontent in the countryside and strikes in the towns, and to disrupt government by political assassinations.
    In this they were quite successful, promoting a wave of political terrorism in the early years of the twentieth century. They carried out 2000 political assassinations between 1901 and 1905. These included the assassinations of two Ministers of Internal Affairs: Dmitri Sipyagin in 1902 and Vyacheslav von Plehve in 1904.

    Tactics of SR
  • The party played an active part in the 1905 Revolution, developing a full programme in November 1905 and forming a separate combat organisation, which attracted many students, to carry out assassinations. The SR maintained its campaign of killings and violence over the following years, but the Secret Police foiled some activities and was successful in infiltrating the movement at its highest levels. Some 4579 Socialist Revolutionaries were sentenced to death between 1905 and 1909, and 2365 were actually executed.

    Methods of the SR
  • Industrial take-off' helped make Marxist theories more attractive to Russian intellectuals from the late 1890s. Georgi Plekhanov's Emancipation of Labour group grew while a number of discussion circles, workers' organisations, illegal trade unions, and other groups were attracted by Marxist ideas. The socialism was common to both the Social Revolutionary Party and a new, Social Democratic Workers' Party (SD), which emerged in 1898 as an amalgam of various Marxist groups.

    Influence of Marxism and SD
  • However, only nine delegates were present. They chose their name, elected a three-man Central Committee, and produced a manifesto (drawn up by Pyotr Struve), which asserted that the working classes had been, and were being exploited by their masters and that the future of Russia would be the product of the class struggle. The manifesto made it clear that the impetus for change had to come from the working men themselves.

    The First Congress of Russian Social Democratic Workers Party in 1898
  • The first Congress was held in a private house at Minsk, 1-3 March 1898.
    The three-man committee comprised Stepan Radchenko from the Emancipation of Labour group, Boris Eidelman from a socialist organisation in Kiev, and Alexander Kremer, a leader of the Jewish labour union (bund) founded in 1897, which had sponsored the congress.
    Six meetings were held but because of the need for secrecy, no minutes were taken.

    What was the Social Democratic Workers Party
  • The congress was broken up by Okhrana agents who promptly arrested two of the newly elected committee. It was not a promising start, but in the years that followed, Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov (Lenin), who had been converted to Marxist ideas as a student from 1887, came to play a prominent part in the development of the party.

    What happened to the first Congress
  • The Second Party Congress took place in 1903, commencing in Brussels, but subsequently moving to a small congregational chapel in Shoreditch, London. The 51 voting delegates considered a variety of propositions as to how the party should move forward, and were divided on a number of these.
    Lenin argued in favour of a strong disciplined organisation of professional revolutionaries to lead the proletariat.
    second party Congress
  • However others, led by Julius Martov, believed their task should be to develop a broad party with a mass working-class membership. While Martov saw members cooperating with other liberal parties, Lenin wanted total dedication to revolution only. Lenin certainly did not have the overwhelming support of the majority at the beginning of the conference and it was only after a number of representatives withdrew that Lenin finally won the vote in favour of a more centralised party structure.

    Beginning of the divide in the second congress
  • Lenin finally won the vote in favour of a more centralised party structure.
    Lenin then claimed that his supporters were the majority (in Russian the bolsheviki) whilst his opponents, led by Martov, and supported also by Trotsky, were dubbed 'the mensheviki (the minority) - even though, overall, the reverse was actually True 

    Origin of the Bolshevik and Menshevik names
  • The split in the party was to have major consequences for the future of Marxism in Russia. In 1903-04, many members changed sides. Plekhanov abandoned the Bolsheviks, whom he had supported, while Trotsky left the Mensheviks in September 1904 over their insistence on an alliance with Russian liberals. Between 1904 and 1917 Trotsky described himself as a 'non-factional social democrat' and spent much of his time trying to reconcile the different groups within the party. 

    Split between Workers Social Democratic Party
  • Awaited the bourgeois revolution that they believed had to precede the proletarian revolution
    Believed the impetus had to come from the workers themselves
    Insisted that memberhip should be open to all and the party should work through the trade unions and other workers' organisations to raise workers' consciousness
    Wanted to follow democratic procedures and feared the that approach of the Bolsheviks could lead to dictatorship
    Mensheviks
  • Suggested the bourgois and proletarian revolution could occur simultaneously
    Felt that the party's job was to educate the workers to lead them through the revolution
    Believed that membership should be restricted and that members should work within small cells that could escape police notice
    Favoured control in the hands of a Central Committee
    Bolsheviks
  • The 1905 Revolution exposed many tensions in tsarist society and brought opposition to the fore. However, none of the emergent opposition groups actually 'controlled' the activities of that year and although all sought to beneh from it, the aftermath proved something of an anti-climax.
    After the excitement raised by the 1905 Revolution, and the legalisation of the trade unions, a reduction in working class discontent might have been expected through better state-employer-worker relations.
    Trade Unions
  •  However, despite some reforms, such as the 1912 Insurance law, the State continued to fear independent working-class activity and, in particular, the potential for revolutionaries to work through the trade unions. As a result, 497 trade unions were closed down and 604 were denied registration between 1906 and
    1910. Those that survived were mainly unions of the better-paid male skilled workers, particularly in the metal trades.

    State and working class activities
  • From 1907, an economic depression and rise in unemployment combined with the political clampdown reduced any opportunity for union action.
    However, the shooting of unarmed demonstrators at the Lena goldfields in April 1912 provided a new impetus. This followed the beginnings of economic recovery from 1911, which gave skilled labour more bargaining power in the market place. A new round of strikes ensued.
    econony and strikes
  • market place. A new round of strikes ensued.
    This trade union activity was mainly confined to St Petersburg and the surrounding area where three quarters of the strikes took place; half in the metal trades. However, they demonstrated the State's failure to pacify the working class in 1905. The bitter resistance of employers (particularly those in the St Petersburg Society of Mill and Factory Owners) and the repressive
    anger and opposition.
    measures taken to break strikes - fines, lockouts and blacklists - added to.
    Working class and strikes
  • The moderate liberal opposition was largely appeased by the tsarist concessions in 1905-06 and tried to cooperate with the Duma system, in the hope of further constitutional evolution. Similarly, there was no single, strong opposition among the nationalities after 1905.
    Apart from the Poles and Finns, none wanted outright independence and, in the case of the Ukrainians and Belorussians, a combination of policies of assimilation and repression enjoyed success, delaying the emergence of an ethnic consciousness.
    Other opposition groups
  • The revolutionary SR and SD parties were weakened by the exile of their leaders after 1905, as well as by the damaging split within the Social
    Democratic Workers' Party and the rivalry between the SDs and SRs. Ideological divisions within the parties were compounded by disagreements over the appropriate response to the 1905 defeat and the use parties should make of the legal' opportunities to work in and through the Duma.
    Opposition leaders and exile
  • They also suffered from the activities of the Secret Police network whose agents were very effective in smashing revolutionary cells. The industrial depression from 1907, the lack of finance, and a shortage of secret printing presses made organisation difficult and none of the exiled leaders, including Lenin, exercised effective control over their parties within Russia.
    Opposition and secret police
  • when they succeeded in taking over many legal labour institutions in both St Petersburg and Moscow from Mensheviks, and gained six workers deputies in elections to the Fourth Duma. Their newspaper, Pravda (The Truth) was launched in April 1912 and enjoyed a much higher circulation than the Menshevik Luch (The Ray). The growing support for Bolshevik ideals was
    however, quite limited. They had been helped in the Fourth Duma elections by an SR boycott. They enjoyed no success with army or navy and nothing
    Rivavrly in Bolsheviks 1912-14
    Wikej
    • By July the gov was very unpopular
    • Opposition groups demanded for changes to happen in terms of how the country was governed
    • When liberals decided to hold a national zemstva in congress in November, 5,000 telegrams poured in urging delegates to press for fundamental changes such as an extension to the franchise. 

    Effects of Russo-Japanese war