Southern England (outside London) elected 31% of MPs (53% of Conservative) in 2017, while Scotland, Wales & North England elected 41% of MPs (19% of Conservative) in 2017
In 1951, the Conservatives won half of Scotland's votes and seats, as well as a third of seats in the major northern cities, while Labour won 42% of the vote in the south and east outside London
Geographical polarization reflects social forces, with religious tensions influencing politics in the west of Scotland and north-west England in the 1950s, and class voting influencing electoral geography in the mid-20th century
Class is no longer a major influence on voting anywhere, as religious tensions have lost their purchase and Scottish working-class Conservative support has diminished
Economic restructuring in the 1970s and 1980s, with the decline of industry in the Midlands and north and the boom of financial services in the south, led to a widening of the north-south divide in political support
The housing slump in the early 1990s hit household wealth in the south, narrowing the north-south divide, but the 2008 economic crisis widened the regional economic and political divides again
Brexit and 'Corbyn-mania' helped the Conservatives and Labour respectively, but the north-south divide remained as large as it was when Corbyn first became an MP 34 years earlier
Labour's move to the left in 2017 gained support in some more middle-class areas including London and the south, but was less successful in many of its previous working-class strongholds where Brexit was popular and in suburban areas
The steep decline in the number of marginal constituencies, from 25-30% in the early 1950s to just 15% in 2017, has led to a less responsive electoral system and a more divided country with politicians talking to smaller and more localized groups of voters
Women tend to be more interested in education and health, while men are more interested in the EU and taxation, but there is not a significant difference in how men and women voted in the 2016 EU referendum
Women tend to favor increased taxation and spending on public services more often than men, and are less likely to support cuts in expenditure on key public services
Women have more egalitarian views than men on a number of issues, including being more progressive on gender equality and less likely to express racial prejudice or homophobia
Historically, women voters tended to be more Conservative than male voters, but New Labour managed to reduce this disadvantage, and in 2017 significantly fewer women voted Conservative than men
Ethnic minorities are on average younger than the rest of the population and tend to vote reliably for left-wing parties, posing a challenge for parties of the right
Left-wing parties have been more welcoming of immigrants and have pioneered anti-discrimination laws that have helped ethnic minorities access better housing and jobs
The British Conservative Party has tried to reach out to south Asian voters since the 1970s, and has seen a recent increase in support from Indian and Pakistani voters
Right-wing parties cannot easily respond to white voters' concerns over immigration and identity without antagonizing rapidly growing ethnic minority electorates
Later generations of ethnic minority voters, who have faced less racial prejudice than their parents and have accessed middle-class jobs, may be more willing to give right-wing parties a hearing
They structure political choices, develop and defend policies, recruit and train candidates, act as intermediaries between citizens and government, and constitute a sufficient force to exert checks and balances on the executive